siberian yupik names

siberian yupik names

Central Siberian Yupik is one of four existing Yupik languages. Former species names are increasingly used as labels for entire groups of birds, such as qawaaq (any “duck”), qawamsighaq (any small bird) (Lisa Sheffield Guy, pers. HUNN, Eugene S., 1975 “Cognitive Process in Folk Ornithology: The Identification of Gulls.” Working Papers of the Language Behavior Research Laboratory 42. Cultural anthropologists, ornithologists, and linguists have long viewed Indigenous names for birds, as well as for plants and other life forms, as a valuable window to people’s ecological knowledge and cognitive systems (Berlin, Breedlove, and Raven 1966; Bulmer 1967, 1974; Hunn 1975). Bogoslovskaya loved birds and knew them well. Another crucial next step is to record contemporary bird terminologies used by Indigenous people in Chukotka (see Apalu et al. VAN PELT, 1998 “Seabirds of the Chukotka Peninsula, Russia.”, KRUPNIK, Igor, 2011 “How Many Eskimo Words for Ice? Yet their knowledge was neither “pristine” nor “traditional,” as it displayed clear signs of lexicon attrition. // Anser sp.? They are also known as Siberian or Inuit (Russian: эскимосы). MORGOUNOVA SCHWALBE, Daria, 2017 “Sustaining Linguistic Continuity in Beringia: Examining Language Shift and Comparing Ideas of Sustainability in Two Arctic Communities.”, MURIE, Olaus J., 1936 “The Birds of St. Lawrence Island, Alaska.” In. All Yupik words cited in this article are given in the transliteration from the St. Lawrence Island/Siberian Yupik dictionary (Jacobson et al. k m o k s y . The same ratio of 2:1 applies to other families and orders, both actively hunted (like Anatidae, Alcidae, and Charadriidae) and those that are not (Passeriformes). The four sources overlap plenty. Therefore, Indigenous bird lexicons might have been once more extensive than the current lists of species names that biologists produce for the same habitat because they included sub-dialectal variations, names for age-sex groups, mythological birds, and cultural terms associated with birds’ body parts, products, and bird hunting. 2016). To the hunters, their knowledge remains “local,” not “Russian,” and definitely not that of biologists, who use Linnaean taxonomy for bird groupings and classification. comm., May 2017). The latter are usually organized alphabetically (e.g., MacLean 2014; Ranavroltyn 2005; Webster and Ziebell 1970; also Ainana and Bogoslovskaya; Vakhtin and Emelyanova) or taxonomically, following the Linnaean classification (Fay and Cade 1959; Höhn 1972; Irving 1953, 1958; Nelson 1983; Portenko 1972–73; Russell and West 2003; Wikipedia 2016). It has no obvious thresholds, as contemporary speakers continue to view their terms as “Native” and commonly use them in a local subsistence context. Bogoslovskaya loved birds and knew them well. The beginning of the “language shift” triggers certain systemic changes in traditional knowledge of birds that can be traced in later lists. Yupik bird lexicons both from Chukotka and St. Lawrence Island may be compared to several lists of bird names compiled among the Yup’ik- and Iñupiaq-speaking groups on the Alaskan mainland. Glava ‘Ptitsy’ iz ‘Slovaria leksiki traditsionnogo prirodopl’zovaniia aziatskikh eskimosov-yupik.’” [On birds, people and traditional knowledge: The ‘Birds’ chapter in the, KRUPNIK, Igor, Claudio APORTA, Shari GEARHEARD, Gita J. LAIDLER, and Lene. Igor The Chukchi are a much larger and robust Indigenous nation of 15,900 people (according to the Russian census of 2010), with at least 4,500 people reported as language speakers. Besides the relative shortness of the contemporary Naukanski bird list, it features two or three “parallel” names for a few species (e.g., amaghullek, qatepak, and tegmepik for eider), without specifying which one is the main name and what the other words mean. 2016; Ranavroltyn 2005), yet they are remarkably alike and comprise the names for just thirty-five to forty bird species. It also includes fifteen terms for age-sex groups of certain species, nine terms for bird groupings and behaviour, and three general terms (“egg,” “nest,” and “nest with eggs”). 2010; Krupnik and Müller-Wille 2010). Siberian Yupik : Krauss 1995 : Savoonga : Sivunga : Siberian Yupik : Krauss 1995 : Chaplino : Ungaziq : Siberian Yupik : Krauss 1995 : Uel'kal' Walqela : Siberian Yupik : Krauss 1995 : Sireniki : Sireniki : Sirenik : Krauss 1995 : Healy Lake : Mendees Cheeg : Tanacross : Kari 1983 : Dot Lake : Kelt’aaddh Menn’ Tanacross : Arnold 2003 : Mansfield : Dihthâad The St. Lawrence Yupik language retains the name piyugraapak for short-tailed albatross (Diomedea albatrus), which has not been seen on the island in the twentieth century (Lehman 2007), though was probably common in the past (Day et al. comm., September 2015). [22], In the tales and beliefs of this people, wolf and orca are thought to be identical: orca can become a wolf or vice versa. University of California Berkeley. To the contrary, Arctic Indigenous knowledge of birds remains poorly known beyond scores of published lists of bird names in Native languages and dialects. [19][20], In a tale, the sky seems to be imagined arching as a vault. FALL, 2017 “Calculating Food Production in the Subsistence Harvest of Birds and Eggs.”. The names for individual bird species have different functions than the words for age-sex categories within one species (e.g., qawaaghpaghaq, a chick of golden eagle; qawaaghpagaghaghaq, eagle nestling; qawaaghpak aghnaneq, female eagle, and the like). Another example is contemporary Tlingit list of names, which includes 89 Indigenous terms out of the 179 bird species common in their area (with 239 species identified by ornithologists, including rare and passing birds) (Hunn and Thornton 2010, 205). If the shaman saw the spirit of the disease in the caravan, several shaman worked together to fight it off with a seance. 2002). Ornithologist Laurence Irving (1958, 66) once argued that the Inuit knowledge of birds differed by (bird) families compared to biologists’ taxonomies. It was thought that the prey of the marine hunt could return to the sea and become a complete animal again. [12] The majority of Chaplino Yupik speakers live in the villages of Novoye Chaplino and Sireniki. ;[10] or made such fine distinctions like "thing, given to someone who has none", "thing, given, not begged for", "thing, given to someone as to anybody else", "thing, given for exchange" etc.[11]). Études Inuit Studies, Volume 41, Issue 1–2, 2017, p. 179–213Bestiaire inuit, Tous droits réservés © La revue Études Inuit Studies, 2019. Lyudmila Bogoslovskaya in Sireniki, Chukotka, on one of her bird surveys, summer 1984. 2016). Following the era of government “modernization” policies in Chukotka in the 1950s (Krupnik and Chlenov 2013), the amount of cross-cultural communication among the Yupik skyrocketed. By that time, the number of Elders who knew the “old words” had shrunk dramatically. It compares Bogoslovskaya and Ainana’s list against other lists of Indigenous bird … In another terminology, these people speak Chaplino, and Ungazighmiit people speak one of its dialects, along with other dialects spoken by Avatmit, Imtugmit, Kigwagmit, which can be divided further into even smaller dialects. We start with another Yupik language spoken on the Chukchi Peninsula, the Naukanski Yupik, a tongue of small speech community of about 350 people, who once lived around Cape Dezhnev; barely a few dozen elderly speakers remain today (Krupnik and Chlenov 2013). Bogoslovskaya and Ainana’s list may be compared to the sample of five lists of bird names in another neighbouring Indigenous language, the Chukchi that is spoken next to the Siberian (Chaplinski) Yupik, often in the same communities. comm., March 2018; see also Figure 2); and contemporary Chukchi lists include 40 to 45 names for individual bird species (Apalu et al. Altogether, the recorded bird and bird-related lexicon in the Siberian Yupik language is perhaps ninety to one hundred words strong. A rudimental Yupik lexicon, even individual words, may be in use for a long time or may live in “translation,” when Russian words (or English, in Alaska) become direct analogs of the former Native terms. 2004, 220), and Iñupiaq mitibvik, mythological black bird with a ten-foot wingspan (MacLean 2014, 861) are similar folk names with no biological identification. The SLI Yupik bird vocabulary is also much richer in terms related to bird biology, body parts, bird groupings, as well as in cultural terms related to bird hunting and use. Even in this advanced phase of the language shift, fairly functional Indigenous nomenclatures are retained, as the Vakhtin and Emelyanova and Ainana and Bogoslovskaya lists of the 1980s and 1990s demonstrate. Alternative names. If the killed whale was pleased to (during its being a guest for a half year), then it can be hoped that it will return later, too: thus, also the future whale hunts will succeed. In. Materials on the Language and Folklore of the Eskimos (Vol. The relative shortness of the Naukanski bird list most certainly indicates a progressive thinning of the Naukanski Yupik traditional vocabularly through language shift; but the presence of several parallel names for a few species points to perhaps much richer former lexicon (as explained below). He claimed that the Inuit of Anaktuvuk Pass and the Kobuk River valley had the most detailed knowledge of the Anatidae (ducks, geese, and swans) and the Charadriidae (plovers, dotterels, etc.) The general terms are heavily underrepresented, since the list lacks many Yupik words reported in other sources (Rubtsova 1971), such as yaquq, wing; siluk, feather; sugruk, beak; papekullutaq, (bird) tail; kaneq, down; puuvyaq, bird’s crop, sulungaq, chrest; qantaghhqwaq, egg shell; iintaquq-, to molt (for birds, see iingtaq,[1] molting bird). À l’époque où les ornithologistes et les linguistes ont compilé les premières listes de désignations vernaculaires des oiseaux, les Yupiit de Tchoukotka avaient à l’évidence perdu certaines couches de leur taxonomie traditionnelle pour les oiseaux, mais des éléments de celle-ci peuvent être reconstruits.

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